RIO DE JANEIRO, OCT 28 -
Brazil's re-elected leader Dilma Rousseff
on Monday faced a house divided after a bitterly fought election that
culminated in the narrowest presidential win since the nation's return
to democracy three decades ago.
In a victory speech, Rousseff said her first task will be to seek
reconciliation and to build bridges to those who didn't vote for her.
"This president is willing to dialogue and that's the first promise of
my second term, to have a dialogue," she said before cheering supporters
in Brasilia.
But it's not clear how far Rousseff is willing to reach out to rivals,
nor how receptive a highly fragmented Congress, which after this month's
general election is split between 28 parties, will be to her overtures.
Brazil's most rancorous presidential campaign in decades ended Sunday
with the main opposition party's candidate Aecio Neves faring far better
than anyone forecast less than a month ago.
The division could further stifle efforts at the political reforms
millions of Brazilians demanded during street protests last year seeking
increased government efficiency and less corruption.
Rousseff has urged Congress to call a national referendum on such
reforms, but lawmakers balked at that last year when the president had
more legislative support, and there is little reason to believe they'll
agree to it now.
The divide also will likely hamper delayed economic reforms that many
believe are necessary for longer-term growth, and even frustrate
agreement on shorter-term measures required to jumpstart a stalled
economy.
"We've never seen an election that's been this divisive," said Paulo
Sotero, director of the Brazil Institute at the Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars in Washington. "The things said during
the campaign, by both sides, will make it very difficult for the nation
to come together quickly."
Rousseff has steep challenges on both the economic and political fronts.
Brazil's economy fell into technical recession in August. It faces the
internal pressure of lessening consumer demand and rising inflation, as
well as the external dilemma of China's growth slowing faster than
expected. Brazil's economic expansion in the past decade was built on
the spending power of a newly minted middle class and the voracious
Chinese appetite for commodities like iron ore and soy.
Then there is the matter of Brazil's "lottery ticket" and "passport" to
the future, as former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva labeled
massive offshore oil fields discovered in recent years. State-run oil
company Petrobras so far hasn't made good on its potential to tap the
deep-water riches and create substantial new revenue for the government.
Many blame Rousseff's interventions in the oil company, such as forcing
it to keep gasoline cheap to battle inflation, as hamstringing its
ability to invest and grow.
"The government is going to have less capacity to deliver what the
people are asking for in terms of better public services," Sotero said.
"The political fighting and fiscal problems paint the picture of a
government that will have less to spend."
Now, Petrobras is at the center of a kickback scandal, and an
emboldened opposition is likely to push even more aggressively for
investigations that could be politically damaging to Rousseff's
government.
A convicted money launderer who is cooperating with federal
investigators in exchange for a lighter sentence said that the ruling
party benefited from the scheme and that Rousseff had direct knowledge
of it, though he's so far offered no proof. The president strongly
denied the accusations.
In a Monday night interview with Globo TV, Rousseff said that an investigation must occur.
"Brazilian society demands the position of ending the systematic
impunity that's occurred in this country for its entire history," she
said. "That means, hurt who it may, justice will be done. And justice,
in this case, is to punish. If somebody did wrong, they have to be
punished."
The Eurasia Group political risk firm said in a Monday research note
that it expects Rousseff will see a short postelection honeymoon period.
"The middle class — a majority of which voted for Rousseff with the
expectation she would improve public services — will rapidly realize
that their priorities do not align with the president's," Eurasia wrote.
"Discontent will grow as the administration shores up fiscal accounts
by raising taxes and administered prices, rather than bowing to popular
demands for more spending in areas like health, transportation, and
education."
However, Rafael de Paula Araujo, a political scientist at Sao Paulo's
Pontifical Catholic University, said that Brazil has been "divided along
ideological and class lines for years," and that he forecasts less
political turbulence than most.
"It's a division that became exacerbated after the first round vote,
when the election became polarized between two candidates," Araujo said.
He argued that the rift will likely quickly heal when voters think
about the 12 years the Workers' Party has been in power, a time during
which "the rich got richer, the poor became less poor and social
programs benefited millions who entered the middle class."
Because Brazil as a whole is unquestionably better off than it was a
decade ago, the political fighting here isn't remotely as virulent as in
some neighboring countries like Venezuela or Argentina. With the
opposition fragmented, Rousseff can use coalition building around
specific projects to avoid the stalemates seen in the U.S., where the
two-party system creates an us-versus-them political scenario.
Maria Socorro, a 23-year-old nanny in Rio, said she voted for Rousseff,
but would hold her accountable on promises to protect the poor and turn
Brazil's economy around.
"They've got to show that they'll push the country forward," she said.
"Success is the best way to heal the divide this election created.
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